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PESTE analysis of Japanese Car industry

PESTE analysis of Japanese Car industry Executive SummaryExternal business environment has been particularly important for the industry. This study aims to apply PESTE model to examine the different impact of external influences on Japanese car industry. The first section aims to model PESTE analysis of Japanese car industry on the external environment including political factor, economic factor, social-cultural factor, technological factor and ecological factor. There are three key factors economic factor that is determinant to the development of Japanese car industry: economic, technological and ecological factor. In combination, these factors form the basis of the opportunities and threat that Japanese car industry has to face in the competitive environment. The second section develops three scenarios planning for Japanese car industry on the basis of three key factors: optimistic scenario, pessimistic scenario, and a middle of the road one.1.0 IntroductionJapanese car industry has been in top position for more than 30 years with the characteristics of high productivity and large innovation achievements.Japanese exports in 2005Accompanying the globalization of the automotive industry, more and more manufacturers make efforts to dominate the global car market and revive the Japanese car industry. Yet a host of external factors influence the direction of Japanese car industry such as government regulations, environment concerns, rapid technology changes etc. So it is quite useful to relate such influences to growing trend towards globalization of car industry.The PESTE analysis this report apply reveals the importance of political, economic, social and cultural, technological and ecological influence on Japanese industry. The approach builds on the identification of three key factors and to what extent such influence will affect the industry and why they are important. It may also be helpful to construct scenario of possible future and develop an understanding of opportunities which can be built upo n and threats which can be...

Shaping the Development of Business in Canada Essay

Shaping the Development of Business in Canada - Essay Example Additionally, Canada enjoys a better market environment that emanates from political stability and pleasant government policies on business. All these factors promote the development of business in Canada. Hence, despite the growing market competition, business in Canada is vibrant and plays a fundamental role in the economy. Foreign investment is also a significant aspect in Canadian business. Many Canadian companies have adopted a corporate strategy to venture international investment with an aim of increasing their competing advantage in the global economy (Foreign Affairs and International Trade Canada 1). Actually, the total value on Canadian foreign investment supersede that of foreign direct investment in Canada since 1997 (Lennox and Bow 150).Foreign investments in Canada promote access to overseas markets, access to more resources, reduce input costs, new technologies, and provide better support to foreign customers (Frigon 1). Indeed, foreign investment in Canada is both di rect and portfolio with both types bringing significant contribution to the Canadian economy. Actually, foreigners who enjoy the annual interest, income, and dividend payments mostly control Canadian economy. This draws the significance of foreign investment in shaping business in Canada. In addition, resultant technological advancements, new management ideas, and implementation of international trade policies will benefit and shape business in Canada. This guarantees higher productivity, increased exports and employment, superior competitiveness, and rampant growth of the Canadian economy. However, these investments are at risk of political instability, expropriation, uncertain regulations, and weak... This essay approves that the government has adopted and negotiated international agreements that govern international trade and foreign investments. For example, the government of Canada adopts a policy of negotiating and adopting the Foreign Investment Promotion and Protection Agreement that governs bilateral trade activities. Actually, Canada its FIPA model in 2003 with an objective of enhancing clarity in the substantive obligations, disciplining and improving efficiency in the dispute settlement procedures and promoting certainty and transparency in its business environment. The participation in foreign investment guarantees access to diverse markets, new technologies, reduction in input costs, and availability of business resources. These factors lead to business profitability and further business development. This report makes a conclusion that there are a number of features that would significantly shape the development of business in Canada such as Canada’s â€Å"storehouse of resources,† foreign investment, government policies, the role of entrepreneurs and family firms, big business, and banking and finance. However, though all these features are relevant and significant in this context, government policies stand out as the most significant feature. Additionally, there are various government policies relating to business regulations, financial support, international agreements, registration, licensing, and legislations that take important roles in shaping development in business. These policies are subject to changes and apply selectively. All government policies aim at developing domestic and international e- commerce in Canada.

See Order Instructions Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

See Order Instructions - Research Paper Example Everyday police officers face different challenges and experiences that expect them to make decisions on how to handle the situation individually without involving additional advice or immediate supervision, and this is the heart of police discretion. In law enforcement, Hassell and Archbold (2010) argue that the police officer has the mandate to make judgments or reasonable decisions within certain legal bounds. Police officers face a wide range of options especially when confronted by dangerous situations. Some of their decisions have been misconstrued as misconduct and a good example is the use of excessive force. External and internal mechanisms affecting police discretion involve the lack of agreement on the exact criminal behaviors that law officers should use in discretion. As a result, there is no evident legal discretion of the criminal actions requiring discretion. However, there are control mechanisms including Internal and external control mechanisms, control by citizens, legislative controls, and control by courts. Analysis A study by Palmiotto and Unnithan (2011) posits that more attention remains on the need to prepare police officers for the appropriate use of discretion. These preparations begin at the training school in the academy continuing later to their field practice. According to the trainings, the use of discretion is critical mainly after an event or on regular basis.

Synopsis of Tort Case Study Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Synopsis of Tort - Case Study Example Conversely, Daniel could seek damages from Malik for spilling the beer on his son because that got him fired. This might not have standing because his boss might decide not to fire him later when he learns of the true circumstances of the events. Daniel could also seek damages from the concession own due to the negligence of the employee; he went into diabetic coma. He ordered diet and got regular. It was a reasonable expectation to get what he wanted, the employee then acted negligently. In the employee’s defense the concession owner could say that the scene was so distracting that the mistake was not negligent and that ultimately Malik should be held responsible having spilled the beer in the first place. Finally, Malik being shot would not amount to a tortuous claim against Daniel. Daniel acted in self-defense against a perceived threat. Malik’s decision to confront Daniel with a gun was not a reasonable response to being shoved. Daniel would probably

Fear Of Violent Crime Geography Essay

Fear Of Violent Crime Geography Essay As a concept ‘fear of crime has caused much academic discussion since it was first developed as a school of thought in the 1960s. Even though interest in fear of crime has gone though peaks and troughs since its arrival in the social sciences, it has undoubtedly found its way into governmental thinking and subsequent policies (Lee Farrall 2008). There are those who claim that fear of crime is a larger problem than crime itself and this is largely due to anxieties over violent crimes such as sexual assault which is particularly salient (Warr 1995). The public are informed that official rates of crime are falling hence this appears to substantiate the claim that public fears are disproportionate to reality or even ‘irrational (Skogan 1987). For example, the latest British Crime Survey (BCS) undertaken by the Home Office (2009) revealed that peoples fear of violent crime in the UK out-weighs their chances of victimization. However a finding from the same survey showed that all regions in the UK experienced a reduction in the proportion of people with a ‘high level of worry about violent crime between 2001-2 and 2008-9 (Home Office 2009). Source: BCS, Home Office (2009) Percentage of people with high level of worry about violent crime, 2001-2 and 2008-9 There have been many disputes as to how to define fear of violent crime and as such, official statistics are subject to criticism. Lewis and Salem (1981) claim that emotional feelings alone define fear of crime whereas other scholars place emphasis on cognitive judgments or behaviours (Garland 2001). There are also mixed findings on the connections between socio-demographic factors and fears of violence. Differential fears of violent crime have been strongly attributed to factors such as age, sex, race, locality, personal experience and media consumption (Clemente Kleiman 1977). It has been posited that further research on the fear of crime ‘must be focussed spatially and socially upon particular populations (Weaver 2008: 4). This dissertation will investigate the often cited connections between fear of violent crime and locality focussing on the University of Nottingham student population. It will explore the impact these fears have on their use of public space and highlight any constraints on activities or opportunities as a consequence of behavioural modifications. Nottingham: safe for students? The City of Nottinghams violent crime rates are higher than the UK average. However, recorded violence in Nottingham against the person has decreased from a rate of 34.5 per 1000 in 2006/07 to 29.79 rates per 1000 in 2008/09 (Home Office 2009). As a consequence perhaps, headlines in the media portraying Nottingham as being notorious for gun crime or as being an ‘Assassination City (Sewell 2007) have decreased. Nevertheless the mass media continue to label Nottingham as being a hotbed of violence. It has been argued that Nottingham is ‘a victim of its own success (Tiesdell 1998). This can be attributed to the number of bars and clubs the city possesses, promoting a vibrant but volatile night-life. In 2008 Nottingham City Council announced that the city was an Alcohol Disorder Zone (ADZ). This declaration was met with disbelief and anger amongst the local press and the University of Nottingham. It was argued that the City Council had shot itself in the foot again. In 2002, the Chief Constable of Nottinghamshire gave his opinion that the city was out of control; he referred to the frequency of violence and in particular, the use of firearms. ‘The City Council agreed with him before it quickly back-tracked, but it was too late, Nottingham acquired a reputation as a number-one crime city. The impact was stunning, with The University of Nottingham, one of the best in the country, losing approximately a third of student applicants (MC Report 2008). Avoidance actions can have negative impacts on cities. For example, avoidance behaviours can lead to significant financial costs as the ‘Nottingham Safer Cities Project (NSCP) discovered. The project conducted a public survey; the findings from which illustrated that a significant number of city residents usually avoided the city centre after dark. The project calculated that this avoidance strategy led to the loss of  £12 million in turnover and 442 job opportunities in Nottinghams central business district during the 6 months of the study (Beck Willis 1995). Though outdated the project indicates the importance of investigating fear of violence amongst Nottinghams university population as they are widely regarded to be a vital contributer to the citys income and infrastructure (Beck Willis 1995). Advancement of the Aims and Objectives AIMS  · To discover whether fear of violent crime amongst university students in Nottingham is dependent on a) gender b) place of domicile residence c) mass media consumption d) personal victimization  · To discover how university students react to fear of violent crime and how this shapes their use of public space in Nottingham Nottingham has higher levels of reported violent crime than the national average and is widely regarded amongst the mass media as being a particularly violent place. Furthermore students aged 16-24 years of age, statistically, are one of the most likely groups to fall victim to violent crime (Home Office 2009). Despite these findings, a thorough review of the previous literature showed that there are very few journal articles investigating fears of violence amongst university students and none were focussed on the city of Nottingham. Extensive research on gender as a correlate of fear pays most attention to the fear gap between men and women. Fear of sexual assault is often given as the main reason for differential levels of fear (Balkin 1979) and as a result mens fears are neglected (Goodey 1997). This dissertation will compare the fears of both male and female students whilst focussing on violent crimes. Most academics agree that being a victim of sexual assault leads to intensified fears (Box et al 1988). However, there are mixed findings on the impact personal victimization of other violent crimes has on the individual. Some scholars argue that all physical assaults and muggings lead to greater fear of crime (Tulloch et al 1998) whilst others argue that they actually reduce fears (Sparks et al 1977). These inconsistent findings show that there is room for further research into the effects of violent victimization on public fears, which this dissertation aims to do. Social scientists, on the whole, accept that fear of violent crime is place-dependent and as such; how individuals relate to ideas of place and community is an important indicator of fears (Girling et al 2000). However, studies in the UK examining the relationships between fear of violence and familiarity with place of residence are lacking. This dissertation will investigate the impact familiarity of place has on fears by comparing the fear index of students whose domicile residence is in Nottingham to those who lived somewhere else prior to attending University of Nottingham. The mass media provide the public with much of their information. This information is often distorted through ‘popular tabloids which tend to sensationalise crime. It has been argued that the media cause fears of violent crime to increase (Gunter 1987) but findings are mixed. First year students, many being new to the city, will be an interesting focus group as many of them would have received much of their knowledge about ‘Assassination City through the media. As aforementioned, modifications of behaviour in response to fears can have a significant impact on a citys income hence research in this area (the second main aim) could arguably be important for future policy initiatives attracting more students to Nottingham. There may also be wider social consequences for individual students with high levels of fear as it could limit opportunities, ultimately affecting well-being. OBJECTIVES 1. To review existing literature to acquire an understanding of the different theories and views on fear of violent crime 2. To conduct quantitative surveys on male and female University of Nottingham first year students followed by statistical analysis to determine the relationship between fear of violent crime and the following variables: a) gender b) place of domicile residence c) mass media d) personal victimization 3. To conduct group discussions with first year Geography and Law students at the University of Nottingham to gain a more thorough insight into their fear of violent crime and whether it effects their use of public space in Nottingham Fear of Violence: Academic discussion Gender Research into the thorny issue of gender and fear of violent crime has found that women are much more fearful of violent crime than men yet women are less likely to be victims (Hale 1996). This fear amongst women was primarily viewed as being irrational by some scholars as womens high levels of fear do not equate to actual risk of victimization (Clemente and Kleiman 1977). It is widely acknowledged, however, that women have different experiences in public spaces than men. The BCS shows that young men are at greatest risk of victimisation for overall violence, although women are more likely to experience domestic violence and sexual assault (Home Office 2009). ‘In public, fear of rape is a cardinal fear for women (Riger et al 1994: 78) and is widely acknowledged as being the greatest factor leading to ‘men and women sharing a consensus that females are much more fearful than males (Sutton Farrall 2008: 15). The shadow of sexual assault hypothesis (Ferraro 1996) states tha t womens fear of sexual assault shadows their fear of other types of crime, particularly violent crime. This dissertation aims to uncover the influence all violent crime has on female and male university students. The gendered stereotypes of ‘fearless male/fearful female (Goodey 1997) are challenged by academics who suggest that men are socialised in society to be less fearful than women hence men have a tendency to minimise and hide their fears. This recent theory of the ‘Socially Desirable Responding (Farrall et al 2009) has important implications for research findings as it has been suggested that men are more likely to under-report their concerns in order to fit the hegemonic masculine ideal (Goodey 1997). This could be to such an extent that when this was taken into account, mens fear outstripped womens (Sutton Farrall 2005). This is in contrast to the view that women report higher fears because they are physically weaker than men and may have rape foremost in their minds when answering questions about violent crime (Stanko 1990). It has been posited that fear declines with age amongst girls and to a greater extent, boys. Young boys are relatively open about their fears yet as they mature their fears are somewhat ‘downplayed as normative adult identities are adopted (Goodey 1997: 402). This dissertation compares female fears of violent crime with the ‘neglected arena of male fears (Goodey 1997: 52) focussing on first year university students who are in a liminal stage of neither being viewed by wider society as children nor adults. First Year University Students and the Fear of Violent Crime First year University students, being young adults, are often stereotyped as ‘strong, fearless and are often construed as the offender rather than the victim (Tulloch 2000: 452). However a comprehensive report by Tulloch et al (1998) found that young adults are more fearful of crime than previously recognised. In addition statistical analysis has indicated that they have the greatest fear of violent crime when compared to other age groups (Ferraro 1995). These fears are arguably justified by The British Crime Survey (Home Office 2009) which asserted that reflecting their younger age profile, students (8.6%) had a higher than average risk of being a victim of violent crime throughout the year 2008/09. The BCS claim this is likely to be related to lifestyle. For example, people who visited nightclubs more than once a week in the month prior to interview had a higher risk of violent crime (12.4%) than those who had visited nightclubs or discos less than once a week on average (6.6 %) or not at all (2.5%). First year university students or ‘Freshers do not fit into one clearly defined category or stereotype. Some see university students as belonging to a ‘problem population inducing moral panics through binge drinking and yobbish behaviour. ‘As city centres are perceived to be dangerous, they are given over to gangs of revellers and drunkards after dark (Trench et al 1992). Others see students as law abiding citizens who are likely to be victims of violent crime at the hands of excluded local youths who, like students are demonized through the media. Place of Domicile Residence and Fear of Violent Crime ‘Perception of community has a strong influence on subjective estimates of being a victim of violent crime (Jackson 2004) Literature on fear of crime has shown that it is an absorbent topic bound up in how individuals relate to ideas of place and community (Farrall et al 2009). In a recent study Farrall et al (2009) use in-depth qualitative interviews to explore the connections people make when talking about crime, their environment and community. The study suggested that at the root of fear of crime is public unease about the health of local neighbourhood order and concerns about social decline and community fragmentation. They concluded that public perceptions of crime are strongly linked to objective and subjective assessments of community, environment and change. It was also acknowledged that this can have varying degrees of significance for respondents ‘depending on a participants own circumstances or history (Farrall et al 2009: 137). Due to university students varied experiences and histories they will be an interesting population to explore. There is a sufficient gap in research on dimensions of place and fear of violent crime; there are few place-based studies that have considered relationships between fear of crime and familiarity with place of residence. Nevertheless, an example of one such study in Washington DC found that the percentage of a residents life spent in the same neighbourhood was associated with a decrease in fear of violent crime (Roman Chalfin 2008). Mass media consumption and fear of Violent Crime ‘It is widely recognised that crime stories and discussions about ‘law and order are the staple diet of the written press (Sparks 1992). The mass media provide a major source of our knowledge. As such there is much academic debate as to what extent media in the UK influences individual fear of violent crime. Academics such as Jewkes (2004) have argued that that the mass media harbours the power to instil fear in the public by the way in which it presents crime. Such arguments fit the ‘Hypodermic Syringe Model which focuses on the mass media representation of crime and how that representation is perceived by the public. It is argued that ‘the media inject values, ideas and information directly into the passive reader or viewer (Jewkes 2004: 9). The information that the ‘popular media ‘inject into the public is often distorted as they tend to sensationalise crime by following the rule that ‘if it bleeds it leads. They pay privileged attention to some crimes at the expense of others, often violent crimes at the expense of non-violent (Keating 2002). ‘In Britain, readers of tabloid newspapers which have more sensational crime coverage reported higher levels of fear than readers of broadsheet papers, whose crime coverage is less predominant and less dramatic (Grabosky 1995). By exaggerating the risks of violent crimes the media may orchestrate ‘moral panics or ‘media panics (Cohen 1972). These moral panics often correspond to BCS statistics. The popular press use one statistical area such as Nottingham and distort the truth by sensationalising the factual data using terminology such as ‘epidemic, which in turn, may lead to moral panics. Although there is some basic truth to what the media are presenting to the public, it usually becomes dramatised to the point of disconnection from the truth. This may lead to a ‘deviancy amplification spiral (Cohen 1972) inferring that the area is particularly dangerous. Another consequence for such localities is that, once the decline begins, the community becomes part of the media generated folklore on crime and rare events such as firearm offences seem to be commonplace (Keating 2002). Fear of violent crime levels can also be rationalised by using Post-Modernist approaches. Hall et al (1978: 46) suggest that the public are interested in the mass media representation of crime, especially violent crime, as ‘violence represents a basic violation of the person. The public are therefore more affected by violent crimes, as they worry for their own safety. The BCS (Home Office 2009) statistics show that the number of violent crimes is decreasing annually, but this data is not yet reflected by public opinion. The ‘Hypodermic Syringe Theory, ‘Moral Panic Theory and Post-Modernist approaches have been widely criticised by researchers who have found the causal relationship between media and fear of violent crime to be at best, inconclusive. One key finding from Tulloch et al (1998) stated that the media are not as influential as previously thought. It has been suggested that the media alone can not cause fear of crime but ‘they can address fears, play upon them, exploit or reassure them (Sparks 1992: 155). Behavioural Responses to Fear of Violent Crime A review of the quantitative evidence to date illustrates that the findings for a causal relationship between fear of violent crime and modification of behaviour are somewhat inconsistent (Foster Giles-Corti 2008). Numerous studies exhibit that people often avoid actions which they view as being dangerous such as travelling on public transport or going out after dark (Box et al 1988). On the contrary an important finding from Tulloch et al (1998) found that even though young adults are more fearful of violent crime than any other age group, they still go out at night and use public transport. Episodes of being afraid of violent crime are often short lived. For example, one may become fearful if they hear footsteps behind them when walking down a dark alley. Farrall et al (2009) describe these fears as ‘experiental. Experiental fears are short-lived episodic experiences that are in response to external direct stimuli bound up in details of time and place. It has been argued, however, that although there may be heightened awareness in situations whereby one perceives there to be a potential threat of violence, this does not necessarily lead to outright fear but a calculated set of behavioural responses (Garland 2001). By conducting in-depth interviews, Farrall et al (2009) found that many participants believed it was their responsibility to protect themselves from violent crime and that precautionary behaviour is a necessary part of every day life. Some modified their behaviour, avoided certain places at certain times and purchased security equipment. It has been suggested that fear of violence is not always detrimental to an individuals well-being. Some degree of fear might be healthy in certain situations as it creates a natural defence against crime. When there is a perceived risk of actual violence, a certain amount of fear might actually be beneficial. Experiental fears of violent crime stimulate ‘responsiblization which leads to precautionary behaviours, makes people feel safer and ultimately lowers the risk of victimization. This has been described as ‘functional fear (Jackson Gray 2009). This ‘functional fear can be illustrated in the ‘Health Belief Model (Rosensto ck 1974). This model has been applied by social scientists to explain why some people change their behaviour to combat violent crime (Hammig Moranetz 2000). The model asserts that individuals who fear being a victim of violence will change their lifestyle habits if they believe that altering certain behaviours will enhance their overall well-being. ‘For women, crime is a considerable reason as to why they do not go out after dark at night (Crawford et al 1990: 49). As aforementioned, social scientists have indicated that gender is one of the strongest predictors of fear of violence; women are more fearful of violent crime than men. Some scholars such as Warr (1985) and Ferraro (1995) have suggested that this differential ‘irrational fear among females is mostly due to their fear of sexual victimization. As a result of this fear women restrict their lives in private and public spaces due to the perceived threat of criminal victimization (Gilchrist et al 1998). Findings from Warr (1985) substantiate this claim revealing that 40% of women do not go out at night compared with 9% of men. This indicates that fear of violent crime could have real consequences for female university students, limiting their use of public space and restricting them from fulfilling numerous opportunities in Nottingham. However, findings from studies can vary depending on the different behaviours that are measured. For example, a study in the US which investigated yo ung male preventive behaviours against violent victimization found that 27% of respondents reported practicing preventive behaviours against violent crime regularly (Hammig Morinetz 2000). Existing studies therefore do not provide concrete evidence for a strong relationship between fear of violent crime and modifications of behaviour. Victimization and the ‘Irrational Fear of Violent Crime Tulloch et al (1998) found that peoples fear of violent crime depends on personal experience and that an individuals fear of violence is likely to be heightened if the individual has been victimized. However, past research on the issue has been surprisingly inconclusive. In a review of the research, DuBow et al (1979) concludes that there has been no convincing evidence that victimization increases ones fear of violent crime. In a more recent study using qualitative analysis, Farrall et al (2009) reach a similar conclusion that many who had experienced violence didnt admit to amplified levels of fear. Furthermore, they found differential levels of fear between ‘isolated and ‘repeat victims with the latter reporting greater fears. Skogan (1987) claims that due to the lack of a strong relationship between fear and direct experience of violent crime, some peoples fears such as womens has been branded ‘irrational. ‘Interest in the ‘irrationality of high levels of fear of violent crime was fuelled by the weak correspondence of many survey measures of fear of crime to peoples self reported victimization experiences (Skogan 1987: 112). Rifai (1982: 193) denotes that fear of crime is ‘irrational simply because many people dont do much about it; ‘There is usually little behavioural change that is reflected in what could be termed crime preventative or victimization preventative behaviour (Rifai 1982: 193). As previously discussed, however, findings on behavioural changes are mixed and inconclusive. Violent crime does not impact on all members of society in the same way. A controversial argument put forward by Rifai (1982) stated that victimization and fear are not strongly linked because most crimes and a large proportion of violent crimes are trivial in their consequences hence they arent fear provoking. ‘A number of case studies have suggested that in most occurrences of victimization there is little effect on the daily lives of the victims (Rifai 1982: 199). The experience of victimization can serve to dispel some of the myths and anxieties about what becoming a victim of crime might feel like. The latest BCS statistics for 2008/09 indicate that, continuing a similar pattern to previous years, assault without injury accounted for the largest proportion (40%) of all violent incidents (British Crime Survey 2009). Perhaps then, Sparks et al (1977) are justified in arguing that victimization by assault reduces fear. They explained a negative correlation between victimizati on and fear by hypothesising that people ‘fear the worst before they have any direct experience with crime, but when they are victimized and are physically unharmed, their anxieties may be alleviated. Furthermore, it has been suggested by Skogan (1987) that the exclusion of non-victims from most of the literature has left unanswered the question of to what extent victims differ from comparable non-victims as a result of that experience. For this reason my dissertation will compare the fears of both ‘victims and ‘non-victims of violent crime. Summary of Literature The literature I have reviewed covers the most relevant concepts on the fear of violent crime put forward by influential academics who have worked within the realms of this discourse. One may argue that due to the sheer abundance of research that has been advanced by leading scholars, a relatively minute project such as mine based on Nottingham university students would prove insignificant. It could also be suggested that the field has been exhausted hence there isnt any room for further research. Yet it is recognised by the majority of academics that there is always room for further exploration. This is particularly true for investigating the fear of crime as many findings are inconsistent or inconclusive. Girling et al (2000: 136) describe fear of crime as ‘a topic that never quite stays still and submits itself for dispassionate examination. My dissertation is therefore relevant as it is a contemporary investigation into an ever-changing topic that focuses on a previously ne glected group, university students, in the unexplored context of Nottingham. Methodology Overview There is much debate within the social sciences as to what ‘fear of violent crime actually means and how it should be measured. For example, numerous academics such as Hale (1996) believe it is primarily based on emotions i.e. actually feeling fearful. Other researchers criticise the emotional aspect of ‘fear and maintain that other aspects are more important such as what an individual ‘actually does to combat perceived threats of violence (Garland 2001). Alternatively, cognition i.e. what people perceive to be the risk of victimization has also been measured in previous studies. My research has investigated the complex relationships between the emotional, behavioural and cognitive aspects discussed. By acknowledging all three elements, fear of violent crime will be measured more accurately (Weaver 2008). Data collection involved both quantitative and qualitative methods. Primarily, only fixed surveys (Farrall et al 1997) were going to be used as it would generate a large quantity of results for analysis. However, this method used alone has come under much criticism. It has been argued by leading academics such as Girling et al (2000) and Pain (2000) that the ‘tick-box survey is too blunt an instrument on its own to gain understanding of public fear of crime. Taking this into consideration, it was decided that fixed surveys would be used to cover a large sample of the first year student population in Nottingham. Focus groups would then be used to carefully uncover fears, behaviours and cognitive judgements that arguably do not become evident from analysing questionnaire results. A self-completion, closed ‘tick-box survey was assembled and distributed to first year students studying a wide range of academic courses at the University of Nottingham. Once surveys had been completed and returned, face-to-face discussion groups or ‘focus groups with first year Geography and Law students were then conducted. Collecting quantitative data from the surveys prior to the group discussions enabled the latter to delve deeper into students fears of violence and uncover any behavioural responses that could not be explained in the closed tick-box surveys. Some survey questions have a tendency to elicit socially desirable responses (Farrall et al 2009). These are answers that dont necessarily reflect the respondents real feelings but ‘the one which they feel best fits the image of themselves; the image which they wish to show to the person interviewing (Farrall et al 2009: 146). As aforementioned, men are particularly likely to give socially desirable responses. Sutton and Farrall (2005) make this point in a review of previous quantitative data on fear of crime. They suggest that when answering survey questions aimed at measuring fear of crime, men often suppress the extent of their anxieties. This may have implications for survey results. Furthermore, ‘it is not uncommon for people under the researchers gaze to feel self conscious or threatened (Flowerdew and Martin 1997: 129). For these reasons, questionnaires were not conducted face to face but were handed out and returned within a week to a ‘pigeon hole in the Uni versity of Nottingham main reception. Sampling Methods Focussing on first year students at the University of Nottingham placed constraints on possible sampling techniques. The dissertation, ideally, would have an equal number of female and male respondents, and an equal number of students whose domicile residence was in Nottingham and elsewhere. In the pilot test a quota sampling method was adopted. This sampling method was conducted at the University of Nottingham ‘freshers fair. This method encountered problems. Firstly, the survey did not result in a 100% response rate. Secondly, it proved almost impossible to find an equal number of respondents whose domicile residence was in Nottingham as those that werent. The final decision was to use cluster sampling. Cluster sampling was used as it was deemed to be an appropriate and realistic method of surveying first year university students. Study participants were thus recruited through the University of Nottingham. Questionnaires were distributed to the university, with permission, wh ich then handed them out to first year students for completion. As such, all participants met the study requirements. 200 surveys were distributed, 124 of which were returned projecting a 62% response rate. First year geography and law students were recruited for the focus groups by administering voluntary sign up sheets to the University of Nottingham which were then placed in the Geography and Law buildings of the university. Ethical Issue

Indra Noori Essay --

Indra Noori is an exceptional sales-driven and business mined woman who has moved up the ranks in management within PepsiCo. Prior to working to PepsiCo, Noori has a top executive management experience working for Motorola from 1986 to 2000 and Asea Brown Boveri in 1994 (Pepsico, 2014). Moreover, through her leadership, she has helped companies generate over 10 billion dollars in sales which has opened the doors for her to work in top executive management positions (Pepsico, 2014). In India, Noori began her career as a Product Manager holding positions in Johnson & Johnson and at Mettur Berdsell (Pepsico, 2014). Indra Noori is an example of a great leader of which through her leadership, she has successfully help companies she previously worked for generate millions of dollars in revenue and help with restructuring firms. Indra has an exceptional business educational background of which she has earned her Bachelors of Science, MBA, and Masters of Public Administration degr ees (Pepsico, 2014). Indra Noori has been highly well known from many companies all over the world. In an article named â€Å"Leadership Lessons from PepsiCo CEO, Indra Noori, she stated 5 valuable leadership strategies. The five valuable leadership strategies that have inspired Indra Noori to become a great leader are 1. Balance the short term with long term, 2. Develop a deep understanding of public/private partnerships, 3. Think global, act global, 4. Keep an open mind to adapt to changes, and 5. Lead with your head and your heart (Snyder, 2013). These 5 concepts have helped Indra become a great successful leader and she has shared this mantra with many leaders speaking at various leadership conferences (Snyder, 2013). Balancing the short t... ... Works Cited Pepsico. (2014). Retrieved January 11, 2014, from Our leadership: http://www.pepsico.com/Company/Leadership Burnison , G. (2011, April 29). Fastcompany.com. Retrieved January 11, 2014, from Leadership: How pepsi's Indra Nooyi learned to be a CEO : http://www.fastcompany.com/1750645/how-pepsis-indra-nooyi-learned-be-ceo Collins, J. (2001). Good to great . New York : Harper Business. Gaille, B. (2013, October 20). BrandonGaille.com. Retrieved January 11, 2014, from Pepsico CEO Indra Nooyi’s Leadership Style and Management Traits: http://brandongaille.com/pepsico-ceo-indra-nooyis-leadership-style-and-management-traits/ Snyder, S. (2013, May 7). Snyder leadership group . Retrieved January 11, 2014, from Leadership Lessons from PepsiCo CEO, Indra Nooyi: http://www.snyderleadership.com/2013/05/07/leadership-lessons-from-pepsico-ceo-indra-nooyi/

Cost and Revenue Function

Algebra I Cost-Revenue Business Project This project is designed for you to demonstrate your understanding of systems of linear equations. Before starting, read the entire project outline and requirements. During this project you are to do the following: 1) Pair up with a partner and create a business that sells one commodity of your choice (points for creativity). 2) Create a Market Research Survey that will be used to survey 50 students to help you discover what potential customers are looking for in the product your group will create and sell.The survey must include a minimum of three questions. 3) Conduct the survey. 4) Create a list of fixed costs – items and prices. Consider items such as a store, equipment, furniture, advertisement, etc. Use the survey results to revise the fixed cost list if needed. Include the total fixed cost. 5) Create a list of variable costs. With each variable cost include the dollar figure calculated per unit. Once again, use the survey results to revise the variable costs list if needed.Sate the total variable cost. 6) Using the survey results and the total variable cost determine the product price. 7) Write the COST function and the REVENUE function. 8) Solve the system of equations algebraically using the substitution method AND the linear combination method in order to find the break-even point. 9) Create a model of the product. 10) Create a Power Point Presentation that includes the following: †¢ A written introduction including a description of the product. A picture of the product †¢ The completed Market Research Survey †¢ A written summary of the survey results †¢ A list of the fixed costs and the total †¢ A list of the variable costs and the total †¢ The cost and revenue functions †¢ The algebraic computations of the break-even point †¢ An accurate graphical representation of the cost and revenue functions that shows the break-even point and the regions of loss and profit (l abel all items)†¢ A written explanation of the break-even point and the profit and loss regions of the graph. 1) Prepare a 5 minute presentation in which both partners share the responsibility of discussing and demonstrating: †¢ An introduction of the business and product †¢ The product or model of the product †¢ An explanation of how the Market Research Survey was used to help develop the product, the costs, and the product price †¢ The cost and revenue functions †¢ The algebraic computation of the break-even point †¢ The graph of the cost and revenue functions, the break-even point, and the regions of loss and rofit †¢ An explanation of the break-even point and the profit and loss regions of the graph †¢ Graphing the cost and revenue functions and finding the break-even point using the graphing calculatorAlgebra I Cost-Revenue Project Names: _________________________ _________________________ Work time and due dates: You will be given t ime to get organized today, 10 minutes of class time on Feb. 10th and 11th. We will work in the computer lab on Feb. 12th & 16th. †¢ You will give your presentations on Tuesday February 17. Power Point presentations must be emailed to me ([email  protected] k12. or. us) by 7:30 am on February 17th. If I don’t have it by then you will loose ALL presentation points. Power Point †¢ †¢ †¢ †¢ †¢ Introduction of the business and product The product The completed Market Research Survey A written summary of the survey results An explanation of how the survey was used to help develop the product, the costs, and the product price A list of the fixed costs and total A list of the variable costs and total The cost and revenue functions

Use a Dash for Number Ranges

Use a Dash for Number Ranges Use a Dash for Number Ranges Use a Dash for Number Ranges By Mark Nichol Which symbol should be used with numbers: a hyphen (-), or an en dash (–)? The question may seem trivial a dash is a dash, right? but using the correct symbol aids comprehension, just as commas and semicolons signal distinct grammatical structures, and no one will argue that those two punctuation marks can be used interchangeably. Hyphens are used to separate groups of numbers, such as in telephone numbers or numbers of financial accounts. But for almost all other cases, the correct punctuation mark is an en dash, which indicates a range or a difference. A span of years (such as â€Å"2009–2012†) or any other time range includes an en dash. (And note that â€Å"from 2009–2012† and â€Å"between 2009–2012† are incorrect; either use both from and to, or between and and, or neither.) The same treatment is given to a sequence of components, such as a range of chapter or page numbers or amounts (for example, â€Å"chapters 1–10† or â€Å"250–300 pages†). A range of monetary amounts and any other amounts is also represented this way, as in â€Å"Salary range: $75,000–$80,000.† (Note that when expressing a range with very large numbers, to avoid confusion, the first number should not be abbreviated; for example, â€Å"$75–$80,000† means â€Å"from $75 to $80,000,† not â€Å"from $75,000 to $80,000.†) Two contexts that cause confusion about which dash to use are scores and votes. These are not, technically, ranges, because nothing exists between them, as in the case of â€Å"2009–2012,† in which that time span includes 2010 and 2011 as well, and of â€Å"chapters 1–10,† which also includes every page between 1 and 10. But The Chicago Manual of Style, reasoning that the symbol between the numbers represents a difference between two values (and that the symbol is pronounced to), has elected to use en dashes for both types of representation. Therefore, use an en dash to indicate scores for sports or other competitions (for example, â€Å"Her team won 6–3† or â€Å"They came back from behind to chalk up a 97–92 victory†). Note, however, that when a score does not immediately follow a verb or precede a noun, as in the examples above, it should be set off from the rest of the sentence by one or two commas: â€Å"East prevailed over West, 97–92†; â€Å"East prevailed over West, 97–92, for the league championship.† Win-loss records should also be formatted with an en dash: â€Å"The team went on to earn an 8–4 record.† Votes are treated the same way: â€Å"The city council approved the project with a 5–2 vote.† Many newspapers and websites follow the style recommended by the Associated Press Stylebook, which is to simply use a hyphen in place of an en dash. That preference presumably dates from the lead-type era, when compositors didn’t want to be bothered about trying to distinguish a – from a on a piece of metal the size of a watermelon seed. Last time I noticed, however, producing an en dash was a simpler task. Dare to dash. Want to improve your English in five minutes a day? Get a subscription and start receiving our writing tips and exercises daily! Keep learning! Browse the Style category, check our popular posts, or choose a related post below:75 Contronyms (Words with Contradictory Meanings)Loan, Lend, Loaned, Lent10 Writing Exercises to Tighten Your Writing

Three Common Reasons for Medical School Rejection

Three Common Reasons for Medical School Rejection After months of waiting and hoping, you get the word: Your application to medical school was rejected. It’s never an easy email to read.   You’re not alone, but knowing that doesn’t make it easier. Get angry, grieve, and then, if you are considering reapplying, take action.   Medical school applications are rejected for a wide range of reasons. Often it is as simple as too many stellar applicants and too few spots. How do you increase your odds of gaining admission next time? Learn from your experience. Consider these three common reasons why medical school applications may be rejected. Poor GradesOne of the best predictors of achievement is past achievement.   Your academic record is important as it tells admissions committees about your academic capacities, commitment, and consistency. The best applicants consistently earn a high grade point average (GPA) in their general education classes and especially their premed science curriculum. More rigorous courses tend to be weighted more heavily than less challenging classes. Admissions committees might also consider the institution’s reputation in considering an applicant’s GPA.   However, some admissions committees use GPA as a screening tool to narrow the applicant pool, without considering applicants’ coursework or institution.   Like it or not, have explanations or not, a GPA of less than 3.5 can be blamed, at least partly, for being rejected from medical school.   Ã‚  Ã‚   Poor MCAT ScoreWhile some medical schools use GPA as a screening tool, the majority of med schools turn to Medical College Admission Test (MCAT) scores to weed out applicants (and some institutions use a combined GPA and MCAT score).   Applicants come from different institutions, with different coursework, and different academic experiences, making it difficult to draw comparisons. MCAT scores are critical because they are the only tool admissions committees have for making direct comparisons among applicants – apples to apples, so to speak.   A minimum MCAT score of 30 is recommended.   Do all applicants with MCAT scores of 30 get accepted or even interviewed? No, but 30 is a good rule of thumb as to a reasonable score that can keep some doors from closing.   Lack of Clinical ExperienceThe most successful medical school applicants obtain clinical experience and relay this experience to the admissions committee. What is clinical experience? It sounds fancy but it is simply experience within a medical setting that allows you to learn something about some aspect of medicine.   Clinical experience shows the admissions committee that you know what you are getting in to and illustrates your commitment. After all, how can you convince a committee that medical career is for you if you haven’t even observed medical personnel at work?   Discuss this experience in the activities and experience section of the   American Medical College Application (AMCAS). Clinical experience can include shadowing a physician or two, volunteering in a clinic or hospital, or participating in an internship through your university. Some premed programs offer opportunities for premed students to acquire clinical experience. If your program doesn’t offer help in obtaining clinical experience, don’t worry. Try speaking with a professor or visit a local clinic or hospital and offer to volunteer. If you go this route make contact with someone at the facility who will supervise you and consider asking a faculty member at your university to establish contact with your supervisor. Remember that obtaining clinical experience is great for your application but it is especially helpful when you can specify site and faculty supervisors who can write recommendations on your behalf. No one wants to read a rejection letter. It is often hard to determine exactly why an applicant is rejected, but GPA, MCAT scores, and clinical experience are three critical factors.   Other areas to examine include recommendation letters, also known as letters of evaluation, and admissions essays.   As you contemplate reapplying, reevaluate your choices of medical schools to ensure that they best fit your credentials. Most important, apply early to have the best odds of admission to medical school. Rejection Is not necessarily the end of the line.

Finance Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2250 words - 3

Finance - Essay Example There were already reports of rising default on subprime mortgages that further fuelled quickly thereafter. Such mortgages are usually given to borrowers with below average credit ratings which are mainly due to their higher average risk of evasion in loan repayment. The financial institutions often charge higher interest on subprime mortgages in order to compensate for the risk taken. Thus, as the banks began clear out more loans to home owners, the housing prices rose. The easy accessibility of credit in U.S. in addition to large foreign inflows led to the boom in construction and increased consumer spending that was mostly financed by debt. The falling prices of houses resulted in more homes less worthy than mortgaged loans which provided a financial incentive to financial institution to take possession of mortgaged property when the mortgagor failed redeem loans leading to financial crisis in banking sector (Brunnermeier, pp.78-81). 2- What would a commercial bank's balance sheet have looked like in 1973? What would an investment bank's balance sheet have looked like in 1973? Considering Bear Stearns in 2007, was it closer to a commercial bank or an investment bank? During the period of 1973, the commercial bank operations involved both issuing loans as well as taking deposits. The loans and deposits were shown in the lenders’ balance sheet. On the other hand the investment banking operations involved underwriting activities such as underwriting equity and debt. In addition to underwriting activities, the investment banking operations also included buying and selling of securities. The investment bankers would buy securities such as debt and equities from a syndicate bank and then sell such security to investors. Thus, the investment bank would act like a market maker and their functions were similar to that of a broker or a dealer. Historically, the financial companies could slot in both investment and the commercial banking activities. It was only after the Great Depression Era that the congress realized the intrinsic risk of underwriting securities and hence decided to separate the commercial banking activities from the investment banking activities. Such a step was taken to protect the depositors from the risk of defaulting from underwriting activities. The Congress issued Glass-Steagall Act to separately identify the commercial and investment banking activities of the banks. The distinction between the investment banks and commercial banks narrowed during the mid 80s. In the late 80s, Fed started removing the Glass-Steagall Act that restricted the interference of investment activities from commercial activities. This Act was ratified by the Congress in the year 1999 with passing of Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act. After the issue of this new act many investment and commercial banks were consolidated that resulted into renowned conglomerates like UBS group, Citi group, JP Morgan Chase, and so on. But other exclusive investment banks like Bear Sterns decided not to enter the commercial banking activities and take deposits. 3- Bear Stearns fell quickly. On March 10th, SEC Chairman Christopher Cox described Bear as being "well-capitalized". Do you agree with this assessment? Why or why not? Bear Sterns & Co. also known as Bear was the fifth-largest investment bank

Rewrite the essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Rewrite the - Essay Example The Museum of Fine Arts in Boston is one of the most renowned museums in the U.S and the world in terms and it is home to many timeless masterpieces, which preserve generation’s worth of history. My visit to this museum captured my interest especially in relation to the arguments of Walker Percy in his text, The Loss of The Creature. Walker’s text inspires me in relation to the presented arguments about human behavior and social interaction with; He demonstrates that, when one contemplates objects in a natural environment they are likely to appreciate and benefit more. He uses the analogy of a boy cutting up a dogfish he found on the beach with a knife whom he argues, has greater advantage over â€Å"pupil who finds the dogfish on his laboratory desk† (Percy 2). The museum is a close attempt at recreating a natural environment and this make the visits there comparatively adventurous and romantic therefore, they can easily relate to Walker’s subject matter in the text. The museum was rich in history, and I wanted to apply the different perspectives outlined in the text in order to assess their credibility. The collections in the museum were overwhelming and amazing such that at some point, I had to stop paying attention to the text’s argument in order to experience the true nature of e very single item housed in the museum. The aspect of reality was partially ignored by the humans highlighted in Walker’s text (Bartholomae and Petrosky 436). Being aware of this factor and basing this story on the text, I can undoubtedly admit that I experienced every bit of reality in the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston. Fine art collections in the museum date back to several centuries ago, and these artifacts remain informative of prehistoric and historic periods. On the same note, over-the-years artifacts have been availed to the museum for display to the visitors.